The Viyug

Beijing Consensus: China’s developmental alternative to the third world?

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By Prashant Sahu

Introduction

The concept of “Beijing Consensus” (Beijing Gongshi 北京共识) represents a set of ideas for economic development which tries to encapsulate the policies followed by China since 1978. In the wake of Global financial crisis (2008-09), this concept was promoted as an alternative development model, particularly suited to the Third World countries.

These policies stand in stark contrast to the concept of “Washington Consensus” proposed by John Williamson in 1989 based on the political-economic philosophy of neo-liberalism. Washington Consensus were a set of policy recommendations for the developing economies in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the post-Soviet “transition economies” to receive IMF bailouts in the 1990s. The purported aimed to institutionalise market principles in these countries along with a minimalist role of the state.

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The Washington Consensus package included a contracted fiscal deficit, competitive exchange rates, sale of state-owned assets, institution of private property and a free-market economy, political democracy, and provisions for foreign direct investment in several sectors (Pettinger 2017). The World Bank and the IMF executed these policies as they administered “shock therapy” on developing and transition economies in the 1990s. However, by the end of the decade, these policies had resulted in a massive economic and political crisis in these countries as income inequalities rose rapidly both domestically and between the Global North and Global South (Naim 1999).

Three dimensions of Beijing Consensus

In the 2000s Beijing consensus gained currency as an alternative to the US-based model. However, this political-economy concept did not come from Chinese sources. The term “Beijing Consensus” was coined in 2004 by Joshua Cooper Ramos of the UK-based think tank Foreign Policy Center. Since then, it has attracted much scholarly attention and policy debates over its viability and replicability in Third World countries.

Beijing Consensus is built on three broad ideas based on the Chinese development experience since the 1980s: Innovation, Different economic parameters and Self-determination. (Ramos 2004: 11-12)

Firstly, the Innovation component represents the nation’s will and capability to experiment not just with technology and business but also with policies in every other domain. It is based on the premise that developing countries need not start with low-end Western technology, but can also start in the most advanced fields. Innovation was aimed to increase the “density of Chinese society” (ibid: 15). Innovation was to be practiced not only in agriculture and high technology industrial manufacturing, but also in Chinese political system. Seen for instance in the introduction of new parameters for recruitment of Chinese leaders, as post-graduates and PhDs began to increase in the CPC. (ibid: 20)

The second factor of different economic parameters refers to the overlooking of per-capita GDP as the sole criteria for measuring the developmental standing of a country. Instead, parameters such as Human Development Index (HDI) are to be used, which are more comprehensive in evaluating the different quality-of-life variables such as Literacy, Gender-parity and Health indicators. This dimension defines the nature of market-led economy growth, focusing on sustainability and equitability. This aspect was reflected in Hu Jintao’s call for “clean GDP”, i.e. GDP shorn of environmental pollution and corruption. (ibid: 23)

Finally, the Self-determination dimension refers to how the China Model is spreading across the world and offering new ideas to other countries for their own development. This is happening in three ways: As an alternative to the Washington consensus, generating capacity for indigenous growth and creation of international trade interdependence. (ibid: 28).

These three aspects of Beijing consensus make it an attractive proposition for developing countries as it allows them the freedom from “one-size-fits-all” solutions provided by the WB-IMF organisations.

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Critical analysis

Several scholars have criticised “Beijing consensus” upon analysing different segments of the Chinese growth experience since the 1980s. Three crucial observations about China’s growth experience have been highlighted: (a) per capita personal incomes in China did not rise in proportion to the growth in national economic size; (b) economic growth is not separate from the dispensation in power as household income grew more under Deng’s leadership (1978-1992) than under Jiang Zemin’s tenure (1992-2002); (c) success of China’s economic growth has been through mixed-ownership enterprises but through private-sector enterprises. (Huang 2011).

He further brings out that personal income growth excelled during periods of liberal political and policy direction in the 1980s, than when more statist policies were carried out in the 1990s.

Scott Kennedy points to the fact that despite the focus on innovation, “the Chinese have not been innovation leaders” (Kennedy 2010). Chinese enterprises are largely concentrated in the assembly and manufacturing segment of the production process, and the major part of value addition of Chinese IT exports happens outside China. Further, most of the Chinese export enterprises are either joint ventures or wholly owned foreign subsidiaries in China.

Yao Yang, director of economic research at Peking University, brings out problems such as the rising income inequalities, regional imbalances, overdependence on external demand, low domestic consumption, commercialised local governments and powerful interest groups which prevent welfare reforms. These structural problems are leading to increased protests and demands for greater democratisation in decision-making (Yao 2010).

Conclusion

In conclusion, the Beijing consensus, which has evolved from the particular developmental experiences of China, has its fair share of problems. The much-applauded Chinese growth story and its applicability in other countries with different political, economic and social systems are open questions. Further, China’s economic development has been substantially determined and guided by the Communist Party of China, and the application of the “China model” in multi-party democracies needs further research.

Nevertheless, China’s growing presence in the Third World Countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia, as a loan-provider, exporter of commodities, and as a source of foreign direct investment through projects like BRI and MSR, have put China in a favourable and competitive position to the West. It has increased the domestic and foreign policy choices available to these countries, which were historically denied these choices by Colonialism and the Cold War. These developing countries have not substantially benefitted from the present West-driven globalisation, and China offers them an effective alternative.

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References

Huang, Yasheng (2011), Rethinking the Beijing Consensus, Asia Policy, Number 11 pp. 1-26, Project Muse https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2011.0001
Kennedy, Scott (2010), The Myth of the Beijing Consensus, Journal of Contemporary China, 19:65, 461-477, https://doi.org/10.1080/10670561003666087
Naim, Moises (1999), Fads and Fashion in Economic Reforms: Washington Consensus or Washington Confusion?, IMF Working drafts, https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/seminar/1999/reforms/Naim.HTM
Pettinger, Tejvan (2017), Washington Consensus: Definition and Criticism, Economics Help, https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/7387/economics/washington-consensus-definition-and-criticism/
Ramos, Joshua Cooper (2004), The Beijing Consensus, London: The Foreign Policy Center http://fpc.org.uk/publications/TheBeijingConsensus
Yao Yang (2010), The End of the Beijing Consensus, Foreign Affairs, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/65947/the-end-of-the-beijing-consensus

Author’s Profile

Prashant Sahu is a PhD candidate in the Chinese Studies division of Center for East Asian Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University. His area of interests include Chinese Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), Chinese Foreign policy and Chinese Politics. He can be reached at prashantsahu13@gmail.com.

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Core Interests: Tracing the roots of China’s assertive Foreign Policy

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By Prashant Sahu

The concept of “Core Interests” (hexin liyi 核心利益) has become an indispensable component of contemporary Chinese foreign policy. This concept is frequently invoked in official and scholarly discussions and is present in many policy pronouncements (Zhou 2019).

Although this concept was present in Hu Jintao’s administration, its importance has increased since the Xi administration came into existence. The concept was invoked from the highest levels of China’s political hierarchy by President Xi Jinping:

We will stick to the road of peaceful development but will never give up our legitimate rights and will never sacrifice our national core interests. No country should presume that we will engage in trade involving our core interests or that we will swallow the ‘bitter fruit’ of harming our sovereignty, security and developmental interests. (Xi 2013, cited in Zeng et. al. 2015)

However, with its increasing usage and expanding contours, it is getting increasingly difficult to define the boundaries of the concept. In other words, what does it include and what it does not?

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Several Definitions

The most coherent and widely followed definition was given by State Councilor Dai Bingguo in 2009, during a US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue session. He explicitly mentioned three terms that comprise China’s core interests: a) Upholding China’s basic state system and national security (weihu jiben zhidu he guojia anquan维护基本制度和国家安全); b) sovereignty and territorial integrity (guojia zhuquan he lingtu wanzhengxing 国家主权和领土完整性); c) sustained economic and social development (jingji shehui de chixu ding fazhan经济社会的持续稳定发展). (Dai 2009, cited in Swaine (2010))

Given these broad concerns, which China identifies as “core interests”, there is disagreement over the specific issues covered by this concept. There are differences in specifics of the concept depending on whether the source consulted is an official document or an unofficial research study.

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The official sources have closely followed Dai Bingguo’s definition. Their additions such as “national unity”, “reunification”, “independence” is in line with the second component of the definition given above. Some official sources have also included “human rights” as China’s core interest, but this is again in line with the third component of the definition mentioned above (Swaine 2010). The 2011 white paper on “China’s peaceful development” also refers to core interests along similar lines as Dai Bingguo’s definition but also adds “national reunification” and “national security” which could be subsumed under this definition. (quoted in Zeng et al. 2015: 246)

In the unofficial sources, the concept is extensively defined. Michael Swaine argues, a large number of unofficial Chinese and foreign observers have identified a range of issues….. including Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, territories in the South China Sea, defense of the Yellow sea, Diaoyu (Senkaku) islands, bilateral trade, and the value of China’s currency as China’s core interests (Swaine 2010).

Zeng et al. (2015) also assert that although Beijing uses this concept to legitimize its diplomatic claims and actions, it remains vaguely defined. Their analysis of the nature of the debate on this concept within Chinese academic circles concludes that the boundary between core and non-core remains porous and movable. Their analysis found only a few articles referring to the South China Sea and Senkaku islands as core interests.

Why was the Concept Needed?

There are different opinions given on the reasons why such a narrowly defined concept was needed. Taiwan’s independence has been pointed to as a significant reason behind the Chinese aggressiveness to promote the “core interest” concept to protect its territorial integrity. However, efforts to reintegrate Taiwan had begun from 2005 onwards with the promulgation of the Anti-secession Law by the National People’s Congress, as Chen Shuibian was actively working for Taiwan’s de jure independence (Swaine 2010).

Zeng et al. (2015) have also pointed to the meetings between Nikolas Sarkozy and Dalai Lama in 2008 as one reason behind European Union being termed as a challenger to China’s core interests. On the other hand, while acknowledging the Taiwan factor, a US Congress (2013) report points to the Chinese leadership’s concern about inviting criticism from domestic audiences to give in to foreign pressure. The apparent readiness of the leaders to assert their core interests and defend them militarily, if needed, points to the rising nationalist tendencies in both the state and society.

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Core interest Vs National interest

While concerns such as protection of national sovereignty and territorial integrity are the “national interest” of any nation-state, the concept of “Core interest” is set apart by the degree of political and diplomatic importance given to its constituent issues. Therefore, they represent a subset of the more extensive set of concerns under “National interest”, over which the state is willing to have no negotiations and is ready to use force to defend them. It implies a rigid negotiating stance and opens up the possibility of expanding the boundaries of areas where Beijing would remain uncompromising.

The attempt to differentiate between “National interest” and “Core interest” can also be the outcome of Chinese attempts to sincize the former concept comes from West European IR vocabulary. As Zeng et al. (2015: 255) quote one professor in Beijing’s Central Party School (CPS) as saying that all contemporary Chinese diplomatic theories, including core interests, are derived from Mao Zedong’s “Three Worlds Theory”.

Implications of the concept in foreign policy practice

With its increasing use as a foreign policy tool, the implication of China’s assertive behaviour to protect its core interests is an important question. It has alarmed several countries, especially the US, as China’s core interests threaten their national interests. Several Southeast Asian countries have already contested against China’s claims in the South China Sea, China’s relations with Japan as also worsening due to the East China Sea dispute, and border clashes with India have brought this important bilateral relationship to the bottom as well.

Zhou (2019) has argued that China’s foreign relations could worsen if it continues to overemphasize its core interests and has recommended that China should revisit the concept and modify it to suit the norms of the international liberal order. It remains to be seen whether China softens on its core interest diplomacy or continues with its aggressive foreign policy.

(The views & opinions expressed are those of the author)

References

Zeng, Jinghan et al. (2015). “Securing China’s core interests: the state of the debate in China”. International Affairs, Vol. 91:2, pp. 245-266

Swaine, Michael (2010). “China’s assertive behaviour, part one: on “core interests”. China Leadership Monitor. No. 34, pp. 1-25

US Congress (2013). “China’s “Core Interests” and the East China Sea”. US-China Economic and Security Review Commission. May 10 2013.

Zhou, Jinghao (2019). “China’s core interests and dilemma in foreign policy practice”. Pacific Focus. Vol. 34 (1), pp. 31-54

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Amateur Superpower of World Politics

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By Subhash Bhambhu

The US presidency proposed September 11 as the withdrawal deadline for the US and NATO forces to leave Afghan soil. The date is carefully chosen in remembrance of the 9/11 attack. In an interview with Yahoo News, former White House adviser Richard Clarke indicated that there is a high probability of collapsing the Afghan government and Taliban takeover after the US forces withdrawal. His statement keeps weight considering his previous expertise when he served as a counterterrorism official in Clinton and Bush administrations before and during the US invasion of Afghanistan.[1]

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Afghan project was all started after 9/11 when the US was in desperate need to find some enemy who could be held responsible for the heinous act. Eventually, it was found out that the enemy was none other than Afghanistan. In a quick response, the US decided military means and initiated a ‘war on terror. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) had to pass Resolution 1368 based on the US’ intention to exterminate external threats and restore peace and security.[2] Later on, it came to the light that the resolution did not authorize any invasion or intervention. So, the US unilaterally decided to strike militarily relying upon allies. In the domestic arena, the 107th congress passed a joint resolution stating ‘Authorization for Use of Military Force’ legitimizing the president to give green light to end the terrorism.[3]

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Now, the US had to justify a ‘just’ war which did not seem so much just considering its procedural aspects and consequences. Al Qaida was the enemy and cause of 9/11 devastation. So, the Taliban could be accused of giving shelter to the Al Qaida and hiding Osama bin Laden (unlike in the script, eventually Osama was found out in Pakistan). The religious fanatism of Taliban ruling was another justification. Then, there was a long list of causes including women’s rights, democratisation, terrorism, liberate the oppressed, etc. Though, later on, most of the causes and justification proved hollow and scripted, and the true intention of the US intentions came into the limelight. What the most difficult criticism the US has been facing for two decades is to justify the traditional dilemmas- the ‘right to go to war’ and the ‘right conduct during the war’.

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Since the invasion, the US has been failing utterly to provide any genuine excuse. Now, after two decades with a loss of 2000 plus US personnel lives, thousands of civilian killings in collateral damage, million left displaced, it came into mind that it’s time to go. Frank Gardner writes his experience while reporting with soldiers in Afghanistan. He mentions that one soldier started to play the ‘Creep’ song of Radiohead band whose lyrics says “what the hell am I doing here? I don’t belong here”. Frank himself was compelled to think “No, we are not perhaps.”

But unfortunately, it took two decades to five US presidencies to realise that they don’t belong in Afghanistan after much bloodshed and let a whole nation fail. The lesson of foreign intervention was very costly for Afghans. But for the US, it was even more costly, which embarrassed an amateur superpower to think on its various aspects. From Vietnam onwards, the US intervened in almost every major conflict in the world. The Americans intervened in South Asia, Northeast Africa, Middle East, etc. Recently, they intervened in Syria and Yemen.

Houthis were attacked by US drones and designated as terrorist groups. But Biden administration exempted Houthis from designating terrorists on various accounts. Earlier, the Taliban was a terrorist organization (still is!) in the US list. But eventually, the US had to sit at the table with a non-state actor (terrorist group) undermining the democratically elected government of Afghanistan. This same pattern can be seen on various occasions of nuclear non-proliferation negotiations.

After the collapse of the USSR, IR circles started to term the US as a unipolar superpower without any purpose. The suspicions were especially about the US’ capability and willingness to project its hegemony as a superpower.[4] And most of the scholars were in the mood that the US would not be able to react according to and expectedly. When we look at foreign intervention after the collapse of the USSR, none of them were proved profitable for the US in terms of economically, politically, diplomatically, and morally. The pattern of interventions is like making constant mistakes and amending them one by one.

One of the traditional arguments about the US’ foreign venture is getting profit out of external interventions and oil politics. According to one of my friends, the US is like “give me oil, I will give you freedom.” But if carefully looked at, this argument has not much weight. In two decades, the US invested $1 trillion apart from the loss of lives and credibility. And what did it get back- a barrel of crude oil?

According to the Power Transition theory propagated by A. F. K. Organski, there are certain patterns in world politics and global conflicts where a nation becomes hegemonic power and is challenged by a great power, which eventually leads to confrontation and shift in hegemon power.[5] If we look at the pattern in the last 500 years, the US will be the least durable hegemon of the world power hopefully. This can be explained through various prisms including amateur behavior of the US diplomatic and foreign affairs.

(The views & opinions expressed are those of the Author)

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References

[1]High probability’ Biden’s decision to pull U.S. troops from Afghanistan will cause its government to fall, expert says

https://news.yahoo.com/high-probability-bidens-decision-to-pull-us-troops-from-afghanistan-will-cause-its-government-to-fall-expert-says-235821094.html?soc_src=community&soc_trk=wa

[1]the United Nations Security Council (2001) ‘Resolution 1368: Adopted by the Security Council at its 4370th Meeting

http://www.un.org/Docs/scres/2001/sc2001.htm

[1]Congress (2001) ‘Public Law 107-40: 107th Congress Joint Resolution’ https://www.congress.gov/107/plaws/publ40/PLAW-107publ40.pdf

[1] C, Michael from the end of the cold war to a new global era? (chap) Baylis, J., Smith, S., & Owens, P. (2007). The globalization of world politics: An introduction to international relations. New York, N.Y: Oxford University Press

[1] A. F. K. Organski. (1959). World Politics. By (New York: Alfred A. Knopf). American Political Science Review, 53(2), 587-587. doi:10.1017/S000305540023325X

Author’s Profile

Subhash Bhambhu is from Rajasthan, India. He pursued graduation from JNU, New Delhi in Persian Studies. Currently, he is doing his masters in South Asian Studies at UMISARC, Pondicherry University. His fields of interest are South Asia, Middle East and Post colonial Studies.

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China’s increasing influence in West Asia: A Realist Interpretation

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By Prashant Sahu

Introduction

The West Asian region has been a site by superpower rivalry for regional control and influence. Before Second World War (1939-45), the primary actors were Great Britain and France, but after the War, the USA and USSR have been the primary contending superpowers.

However, since the 1980s and particularly after the end of the Cold War, China’s presence in the West Asian region has been steadily growing. This has been possible because of China’s economic growth, military modernization, and increasing diplomatic influence worldwide.

This article would examine why the West Asian region is an essential constituent of China’s foreign policy

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A brief overview of China’s West Asia policy

First, we would briefly look at China’s West Asia policy’s broad contours since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. The newly established PRC was part of the communist bloc and largely followed an isolationist foreign policy as it engaged itself in nation-building. The Bandung Conference (1955) was the first platform where Premier Zhou Enlai called for Afro-Asian unity. The Sino-Soviet split (1956) also provided a window to China for looking at other regions of the world. However, domestic campaigns such as the Great Leap Forward (1958-61) and Cultural Revolution (1966-76) disrupted China’s foreign relations.

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A significant event was PRC’s entry into United Nations in 1971, when China established diplomatic ties with Iran, Kuwait, Lebanon, Jordan, and Turkey. Under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership, China initiated the ‘Reforms and opening-up policy’ and by 1992 had established diplomatic relations with all states of West Asia. A significant driver of this dynamic was China’s growing need for investments and importing energy resources from the region.

China-West Asia relations were institutionalized in 2004 with the creation of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF).

Importance of West Asia in Chinese Foreign Policy

According to the Realist framework in international relations, states are concerned with their security and act to pursue their national interests to maximize their power. Seen through this lens, China’s engagement with the region is determined by China’s national self-interest. This article would look into three components of China’s national interests: Energy security, National security, and Diplomatic status, besides the overall geostrategic importance of the West Asian region.

Energy security

Over the past few decades, the energy demands of the growing Chinese economy have made West Asia the primary source of petroleum, natural gas, and crude oil for China. In 2019, China was the world’s largest oil importer at $239 Billion, accounting for 22.6 percent of the total oil imports[1]

The West Asian region consists of several oil exporter countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Iran, and UAE. Concerning China, in 2019, Saudi Arabia and Iraq were the leading contributors to China’s import basket, respectively making up 16.8 percent and 9.9 percent of the total oil imports.[2]

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National security

China’s policy in West Asia is strongly influenced by the ethnic unrest in China’s Western provinces and the increasing spread of radical Islam in the Western neighbourhood of Central Asia and Afghanistan. Moreover, as the US announces the withdrawal of its military from Afghanistan, the stability of this region would be threatened.

China is apprehensive that the Uighur separatist movement could quickly gain sympathy and backlash from the West Asian countries. Additionally, the Arab Spring and the consequent urban unrest in these countries could have a demonstration effect in Han-dominated areas of China’s eastern provinces. These security concerns also shape China’s diplomacy with West Asia.

Diplomatic Importance

An essential determinant of China’s foreign policy is the concept of “face” (lian 脸). Creating and managing a respectable “face” is vital in Chinese society. In this light, engagement with this region is essential for China to achieve ‘great power’ status in world politics. As China has emerged as an economic powerhouse, it increasingly seeks other realms of power such as diplomatic and soft power.

Given that this region is one of the most conflict-ridden regions in world politics, it has become a site of great-power rivalry. The West Asian region had been an essential theatre of Cold War politics between Capitalist and Communist blocs. However, a power vacuum was created after Soviet disintegration, which is being filled by other regional powers, including China.

China’s increasing presence in the region is seen through extensive investments and trade relations with the countries of the region. China’s credibility is further enhanced by its position as a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

Geo-Strategic Importance

Finally, the West Asian region has tremendous geostrategic importance as it acts as a gateway to the West European markets. Consequently, the region is an essential factor in China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) megaproject[3].

China is widely regarded as a regional power with global influence, and engagement with this region is an attempt to shed this image and come out as a ‘great power’. In this context, the West Asian region, with its important geostrategic location, may emerge as an important area for China beyond its traditional zone of influence in the Asia-Pacific region.

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Further, the “Pivot to Asia” strategy of the Obama Administration (2009-16) to increase the US’s influence in East Asia and Southeast Asia and reduce its presence in West Asia has provided ample space for China to enter into this zone.

Conclusion

To sum up, China’s West Asia policy is becoming an increasingly important constituent in its overall foreign policy architecture. This article has examined this dynamic through the framework of realism and looked at three particular factors driving China-West Asia relations. As the world is undergoing a pandemic situation and global interactions are at a standstill, it remains to be seen what trajectory this significant relation would follow. As countries emerge out of the pandemic and engage in economic reconstruction, China, with its economic heft, would play a significant role in shaping the post-Covid world order, and China-West Asia relations would be an essential part of the new world order.

(The views and opinions expressed are those of the author)

References

Scobell A. and Nader A. (2016), China in the Middle East: A Wary Dragon, RAND Corporation, Retrieved from https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR1200/RR1229/RAND_RR1229.pdf

Chen, Xi (2018). ‘China in the Post-Hegemonic Middle East: A Wary Dragon?’, Retrieved from https://www.e-ir.info/2018/11/22/china-in-the-post-hegemonic-middle-east-a-wary-dragon/

Zhu, Zhiqun (2009). China’s New Diplomacy in the Middle East and its implications for the United States, Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia), 3:4, 41-52, Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2009.12023141

[1] http://www.worldstopexports.com/crude-oil-imports-by-country/

[2] https://www.worldstopexports.com/top-15-crude-oil-suppliers-to-china/

[3] https://www.topchinatravel.com/silk-road/one-belt-one-road.htm

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The Cataclysmic Anatomy of Chinatowns- Cuisine, Tourism, Drug Cartels and More

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By Anirudh Ramakrishna Phadke

(The Following article is a subscriber content and has the author’s original presentation available to download. No part of this piece has been edited to preserve the originality of the presentation.)

We all would have wished to visit a Chinatown at-least once in our lifetime by watching those action Hollywood movies or other type of media. All those spicy mouth savoring cuisine, street dance shows, and handicraft shops could definitely catch our attention. But do you think these things only built up an economy of a Chinatown? The answer in simply ‘NO’. All these things was not even a fundamental livelihoods of peoples in Chinatown during its peak time. Read this article so next time when you are visiting a Chinatown ‘you are not the next victim’.

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The History of Chinatown

The Chinatown, basically is an ethnic enclave of the Chinese community living outside of mainland China (including Hong-Kong and Taiwan). These enclaves were formed as a result of migration of Chinese community to other countries due to many number of reasons such as like labor, new culture (liberty from socialist economy), including religious causes expanding their business etc. and Great leap forward and other famines. (most of them during Mao Zedong). Thus in other words these enclaves were home to anti-communist Chinese who wanted to escape from the deadly foothold of the communist leader Mao. There has been numerous reports that during their migration, Communist leader Mao targeted those which resulted in nearly 18 million deaths and more than 20 million missing in the process.

The first ever recorded Chinatown was established in the year 1594 at Binondo, in Manila, Philippines. The reason behind the migration of that particular group to Binondo was to escape the foothold of brutal religious monarchy in China. Thus the migrants established a ethnic enclave comprising Catholic Chinese in Binondo, Manila.

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Common Features of a Chinatown

“A Micronation”

It is a community of Chinese people (85%) including Tibetan, Korean nationals alongside with Chinese. They stay in a closed community with local ties to sustain in their day to day lives
Today many China-Towns across the world exists each with unique and absent elements
They contribute towards the host nation economy at a smaller scale which cannot be felt. Also the host country usually does not support these type of people.
In short a Chinatown is a diaspora micronation which has its own rules and regulations including a working economy

***The Chinese Diaspora of the World (images are subjected to copyright by the writer)***

A peek into famous Chinatowns around the World

Binondo- The first ever Chinatown in history

Binondo, also Known as Pinyin in Chinese is the first ever (oldest) Chinatown established by the Chinese in Manila, Philippines in the year 1594 for Catholic Chinese. In modern times business thrives in this region in old fashioned Filipino-Chinese style.

Chinatown in Manhattan, NY

The Chinatown in lower Manhattan, New-York houses the denser Chinese populated with around 1 lakh people. They live in a close community. Predominantly it is filled with Cantonese. It is one of the ten densely populated Chinese community in the western world.

Chinatown in San-Francisco

This Chinatown covers 24 square blocks and houses the second biggest Chinese community outside Asia (New York’s is first). There are exotic emporia, temples, tea houses, restaurants, Chinese banks, schools, law offices, bookstores, laundries and factories recalling the sweatshops of earlier times.

Chinatown in Bangkok

Chinatown in Bangkok, Thailand has been hugely influential in the peoples life since the beginning of the city. It is the center of the gold trade and has a 200-year-old market, Taoist temples, and a 5-ton solid-gold Buddha at Wat Traimit.

***A night picture of Bangkok’s Chinatown***

Chinatown in London, UK

Gerrard Street, which lies between Leicester Square and Old Compton Street, is the main thoroughfare of London’s Chinatown. Chinese immigrants, mainly Cantonese from Hong Kong, started to settle in the area during the 1950s. Street names are subtitled in Chinese, and the tops of telephone boxes resemble mini pagodas.

Singapore’s Chinatown

My favorite Chinatown in the list. Although, the nation is predominantly filled with Chinese, Raffles’ original town plan, which assigned the different races to various districts. Here the Chinatown filled with old style Chinese shops and frogs to be skinned in the fresh produce market.

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Chinatown in Paris

Paris’s Chinatown is bordered by Avenue d’Italie and Avenue d’Ivry. The area is a mini-city of skyscrapers and streets lined with Thai groceries, Vietnamese noodle bars and Chinese tearooms. Chinatown’s gift shops are a treasure trove of gaudy decorations, trinkets and figurines, alongside elegant rice bowls, fine teas and tea sets, and good-quality Chinese dresses.

Chinatown in Melbourne

Cantonese-speaking Chinese immigrants arrived in Melbourne in great numbers during the 1850s, hopeful of making fortunes in the colony they described as “New Gold Mountain. They established an area where they could eat, gamble and smoke opium with their fellow countrymen on Little Bourke Street. Aside from food, there are also several bars in here that are packed cheek by jowl on weekends.

Chinatowns in India- Viyug’s Eye into the India’s Chinese Enclave

In today’s geopolitical scenario both the two biggest Asian superpowers are bitter enemies. But still breaking boundaries, the Chinese people live in India!!!…surprised right. If you are living in any one of the metropolitan areas of India you might have come across the Chinese enclave. What if I said that these communities hold Indian citizenship and other relevant documents. Now you must be quite shocked..! Breaking down their complex community structure, I have classified them into four broad categories.

***The image is subjected to copyright***

Chindians: This informal term refers to a individual or group of people having mixed Indian and Chinese ancestry. There are considerable number of Chindians in India’s only Chinatown situated at Kolkata, West Bengal.
Migrants/1st Gen: Here the term 1st generation of Chinese migrants refers to the Chinese who migrated from their homeland for many reasons such as new living, at their own will etc. In today’s context 1st generations Chinese migrants to India are very few in numbers.
Expatriates: The Chinese expatriates are those individuals living away in their homeland, often temporarily and for work reasons. Usually their contract lasts for a period of 3 years or less. In Indian scenario, the Chinese expatriates can be seen ranging from national universities for education till being employed in an Chinese style restaurants in major metro cities of India.
Prisoners: This particular category is historical reference, which signifies that the Chinese enclave under this classification no more in existence. Notable reference can be found out during the 1962 Sino-Indian war. Nearly 3000 Chinese-Indians were forced under reallocation and incarceration in an internment camp in Deoli, Rajasthan. They were detained under Defence of India Act 1962. Although they were all released phase by phase manner till 1967, Indian Government has not apologized or offered compensation to them. Further during 1962-1967 nearly 10,000 were captured under custody from all major parts of India under the Defence Act. All of them were accused spies, but not a single charge has ever been proven. This internment act by India violated both the Constitution of India & the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to which India was an original signatory. Many Chinese-Indian parents were displaced from their children; they were never heard again. I will dig out more and brief one such lost Chinese enclave in Tamil-Nadu in my next write up.

Chinese Diaspora in India- Brief Blueprint

In today’s scenario, the Chinese enclave in India are spread across all the states. But still their huge concentrations can be found in all the metropolitan cities of India.

Mumbai: The Chinese population here decreases at a higher rate. The only Chinese community can be found at areas nearby Kwan Kung temple, Mazagaon, Mumbai. (4000 Chinese live here)
New Delhi: There is no Chinatown here in new Delhi. Statistics show that only Chinese workers on contracts for 2-3 years stay here in New Delhi. There are no fixed Chinese community.
Kolkata: The original Chinatown in India is located here. Nearly for more than 5 centuries pure Chinese bloodline exists in Calcutta. We can see that in detail later slides. (nearly 5000 peoples live here)
Chennai: Although, no Chinatowns here., their culture exists here way back from British India period. A escaped community from madras central prison once stayed in parts of Nilgiris hills (I will dive deep into this in my next write up). Chinese expatriates are filled in Chennai.

A peek into Chinatown in Kolkata, Paschim Bangal- Tiretta Bazzar

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Situated in Central Kolkata, Hakka Chinese stay here. Once a enclave of 20,000 Chinese today it is only home to 7000 Chinese peoples. They engage themselves in tanning and food industry. Today so called the Indian Chinese cuisine was born here at Bengal which is now famous in many other parts of India. They also engage in licensed opium trading for quick cash. There is also a school and local Chinese newspaper.

***Tiretta Bazzar- Chinatown of India***

The Economy of Chinatown

Now you have reached the most crucial part of my analysis, that is the economy of Chinatown. I have classified their economy model into broad 2 categories;

Normal Economy: This is predominantly located on Chinatowns of western nations. They heavily rely upon tourism, that is they sell of their Chinese culture to tourist people. This includes their art, pottery, cuisine, and other Chinese goods and services and they make hefty revenue from it. ($700 million)
Under-Ground Economy: also known as blood economy (illegal activities), this type is predominantly active in the eastern part of the world, especially in the Chinatowns of Thailand, Burma, and Malaysia.

An overview of Authentic Foods (Normal Economy)- The Original Canyin

Over 70% of turnover made by people in Chinatowns is by running the authentic Chinese foods which turns out to be quite expensive and not like those typical awkward dishes portrayed in social medias. That’s the reason, I am skipping the whole normal economy and giving you an overview of Canyin in a nutshell.

***some authentic foods available in Chinatown***

The authentic Chinese food is not like as we see in the social media today. It is much more than that and very expensive in nature. The cuisine is one of the worlds delicious cuisine which includes BBQ stingrays, roast pork, pork rib soup, noodles & dumplings, nasi cockles and eggs, puffer fish meat (quite expensive). In my opinion these authentic Chinese foods must be tired at least once in our lifetime. ($700 million industry)

The Blood Economy of Chinatown

Otherwise known as Black Economy, a segment of a country’s economic activity that is derived from sources that fall outside of the country’s rules and regulations. Here, in case of Chinatowns those are the activities which fall outside of their normal economy. Once again I have classified their black economy broadly into four categories.

Triads (Organised Crime Groups): They are organised crime syndicates that is spread across the Chinese diaspora of the world. Especially active in the region of Thailand, Hong Kong, India, and Malaysia.
Tong: This organisation particularly remain in smokes and shadows. They smuggle illegal immigrants and sell off or either loot a big amount from them to make them escape the authorities.
Opium Dens: The Chinese are godfathers in the opium business. Every Chinatown has house structure called den which has plenty of opium’s in different smokable formats.
Prostitution/Brothels: Or what is commonly called as red light areas has become a main stream business in parts of Chinatowns in Thailand, Malaysia, Italy. This is a billion dollar industry and runs alongside with the opium dens.

Let’s dive deep into each of this category and explore the shadowy/dark side of Chinatowns

Triads- Organised Crime Syndicates

A brief analysis on triads

Triads is a common word for the Chinese crime syndicates that functions across worlds Chinese community. (same syndicates work under different names in diff region). Some famous triads include 14K, Shui Fong, Luen Group, Wo Hop To, Bamboo Union, Ping On. etc. These triads can be broadly classified into two categories. One is the Dark forces (loosely based groups) and the other is Black Societies (more organised and deadly). The first influence local markets and second one able to establish routes for illegal trading across countries. They engage in criminal activities like Drug trafficking , Health care fraud, Counterfeiting, State sponsored terrorism, Virtual Cyber gangs, Unethical businesses and much more. Thus they spread their activities internationally and able to establish their Chinese diaspora for generations. They are one the biggest challenges faced by internal security forces.

Organisational Structure of Triads

Brief analysis on Opium Dens

The Chinese are the godfathers of opium trading. Opium smoking is part of their culture and they established in other parts of the world through Chinatowns. They established opium dens (smoking rooms/houses) in a traditional Chinese style which is attached behind in a typical Chinatown restaurant. The room is equipped with the opium in different smokable forms along with necessary accessories like opium pipes, oil lamps, liquor, trappings and (including) female attendants. All of this opium is brought safely into the Chinatowns by the black forces of a triads. They have well established route maps and dealers. (400$ million)

**In this image you can see the typical opium den and the Chinese men smoking evil poppy (pure opium) with female attendants.**

Brief analysis on Brothels

Background of workers: The workers are usually kidnapped illegal immigrants and from poor families of Chinese, Tibetan, Mongolian, Japanese and Korean including minors, Men and Women. (Even humans raised only for these works exists)

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Organizational Structure of the prostitutes: 7 tier prostitute is the usual structure. That is each tier varies in services offered and the prostitutes are categorised into each according to their (purchased) cost, beauty, ethnic and other terms. For example 2nd tier is called packaged wife, 3rd- three halls, 4th- dingdong girls, 5th called hairdressing salon sisters, 6th tier is street girls, and so on.

What happens inside: Ignoring the licensed one, the illegal brothels offer temporary marriage, Hiring women (sexually) for parties, selling of workers many usually customers abuse them to their own imagination.

Locations (usually disguised): All the brothels are under the guise of massage and health treatment centers, beauty spa, bathhouses, saunas, hotels with inbuilt opium dens, and street crawlers in and around Chinatowns. The customers also range from locals to foreign tourists.

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About the Author

Anirudh Phadke is the founder and editor of The Viyug.

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COVID-19 in a Nutshell: Microbiological Point of View

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By Sauro Dasgupta

Abstract

Coronavirus disease 19 (COVID-19) is a highly transmittable and pathogenic viral infection caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), which emerged in Wuhan, China, and spread around the world. Genomic analysis revealed that SARS-CoV-2 is phylogenetically related to severe acute respiratory syndrome-like (SARS-like) bat viruses, therefore bats could be the possible primary reservoir. The intermediate source of origin and transfer to humans is not known, however, the rapid human to human transfer has been confirmed widely. There is no clinically approved antiviral drug or vaccine available to be used against COVID-19.

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However, few broad-spectrum antiviral drugs have been evaluated against COVID-19 in clinical trials, resulted in clinical recovery. In the current review, we summarise and comparatively analyze the emergence and pathogenicity of COVID-19 infection and previous human coronaviruses severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus (SARS-CoV) and middle east respiratory syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV). We also discuss the approaches for developing effective vaccines and therapeutic combinations to cope with this viral outbreak.

History

Coronaviruses belong to the Coronaviridae family in the Nidovirales order. Corona represents crown-like spikes on the outer surface of the virus; thus, it was named a coronavirus. Coronaviruses are a large family of zoonotic viruses that cause illnesses ranging from the common cold to severe respiratory diseases. Zoonotic means these viruses can be transmitted from animals to humans. There are several coronaviruses known to be circulating in different animal populations that have not yet infected humans. COVID-19 is the most recent to make the jump to human infection.

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Common signs of COVID-19 infection are similar to the common cold and include respiratory symptoms such as dry cough, fever, shortness of breath, and breathing difficulties. In more severe cases, the infection can cause pneumonia, severe acute respiratory syndrome, kidney failure, and death.

The COVID-19 infection is spread from one person to others via droplets produced from the respiratory system of infected people, often during coughing or sneezing. According to current data, the time from exposure to onset of symptoms is usually between two and 14 days, with an average of five days.

Two other recent coronavirus outbreaks have been experienced. Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS-CoV) of 2012 was found to transmit from dromedary camels to humans. In 2002, Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS-CoV) was found to transmit from civet cats to humans.

Mechanism of Infection

On the surface of human cells is an enzyme called ACE2, which acts as the receptor that enables SARS-CoV2 to launch its attack. The virus’ spike protein binds to the receptor, then fuses with the cell surface, and releases its genetic material (RNA in the case of SARS-CoV2) into the cell. The coronavirus that causes SARS, called SARS-CoV, uses the same ACE2 receptor to invade a cell.

Once inside, the virus replicates itself by using the cell’s molecular mechanism. All these stages involve various interactions between virus proteins and human proteins. Any treatment being developed or researched will look to inhibit these activities at one stage or the other.

In summary, the spike RBD allows the binding to the ACE2 receptor in the lungs and other tissues. The presence within the spike protein of an amino acid site (polybasic site) allows the functional processing of the same by the human enzyme furin (protease). This process allows the exposure of the fusion sequences and therefore the fusion of the viral and cell membranes, a necessary passage for the virus to enter the cell.

In international gene banks such as GenBank, researchers have published several Sars-CoV-2 gene sequences. This gene mapping is of fundamental importance allowing researchers to trace the phylogenetic tree of the virus and, above all, the recognition of strains that differ according to the mutations. According to recent research, a spike mutation, which probably occurred in late November 2019, triggered jumping to humans. In particular, Angeletti et al. compared the Sars-Cov-2 gene sequence with that of Sars-CoV. They analysed the transmembrane helical segments in the ORF1ab encoded 2 (nsp2) and nsp3 and found that position 723 presents a serine instead of a glycine residue, while position 1010 is occupied by proline instead of isoleucine.

These data are providing us with important information on the potential origin of the virus. Interestingly, Pangolin (Manis javanica) CoVs have an RBD domain identical to that of the human SARS-CoV2 spike protein. However, neither bat CoVs nor those present in pangolins have the sequence of the polybasic site for furin, suggesting that natural selection must have also favored the acquisition of this site for the transition to human-human transmission. The matter of viral mutations is key for explaining potential disease relapses.

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Treatment

Scientists around the world are working to find and develop treatments for COVID-19.

Optimal supportive care includes oxygen for severely ill patients and those who are at risk for severe disease and more advanced respiratory support such as ventilation for patients who are critically ill. Dexamethasone is a corticosteroid that can help reduce the length of time on a ventilator and save the lives of patients with a severe and critical illness.

Results from the WHO’s Solidarity Trial indicated that remdesivir, hydroxychloroquine, lopinavir/ritonavir, and interferon regimens appear to have little or no effect on 28-day mortality or the in-hospital course of COVID-19 among hospitalised patients. Hydroxychloroquine has not been shown to offer any benefit for the treatment of COVID-19.

W.H.O does not recommend self-medication with any medicines, including antibiotics, as a prevention or cure for COVID19. W.H.O is coordinating efforts to develop treatments for COVID-19 and will continue to provide new information as it becomes available.

Status of Vaccine

Almost every country has participated in the vaccine race out of which the most successful vaccines are Oxford-AstraZeneca (UK), Moderna (US), Pfizer-BioNtek (US-Germany), Sputnik-V (Russia), and Covaxin (India). Vaccination drive has already begun for frontline workers worldwide and it is a matter of time until the vaccine is available for the normal population. Two vaccines are under mass production in India.

Conclusion

So, we need to go and focus now and attack it and make sure that we’re doing everything we can do to reduce transmission. And we know the things that work. We know that testing, that identifying those who are infectious, that being able to provide them supportive isolation, tracking, and contact tracing, and quarantining all the contacts, making sure that people continue to comply with the physical distancing, with wearing a mask with avoiding crowded places, avoiding closed settings, where there are a lot of people, washing hands, respiratory etiquette, staying home if you’re sick. All of these things together definitely make a difference in bringing down transmission.

That’s been shown again and again in the country after country. At this time, we need to double down because we know the same public health and social measures will work against these variants, as have worked in the past.

And right now, we’re at a very critical stage in many parts of the world, where we need to be focusing on bringing down the transmission, and that in turn will help in reducing how much this virus can change before we have the sufficient number of doses of vaccine.

(The views & opinions expressed are those of the author)

References

COVID‐19: a brief history and treatments in development

https://wchh.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/psb.1843

Stopping the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Review on the Advances of Diagnosis, Treatment, and Control Measures

https://www.hindawi.com/journals/jpath/2020/9121429/

The different types of COVID-19 vaccines and their mechanism

https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/the-race-for-a-covid-19-vaccine-explained

Mechanisms of SARS-CoV-2 Transmission and Pathogenesis

https://www.cell.com/trends/immunology/fulltext/S1471-4906(20)30233-7

Author’s Profile

Sauro Dasgupta is pursuing his Bachelor’s degree in Political Science with a specialization in International Relations at Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India. He is interested in reading, writing, public speaking, History, Politics and Strategic Affairs and almost 125 writings of his have been published in many important magazines, journals and newspapers. He is a regular contributor to leading publications like The Viyug, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Indian Express, The Times of India NIE, The Imphal Times, The Shillong Times, Sikkim Express, Khamma News Agency, The Diplomatist, OpIndia, The Kootneeti, The Columnist, Lokmannya, Elixir, etc.

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COVID-19 Vaccination: Light at the End of the Tunnel

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By Sauro Dasgupta

COVID-19 vaccination presents an opportunity

Given that many people unknowingly live with slow-onset non-communicable diseases such as diabetes and cancers, and the vaccination program prioritizes those with co-morbidities, the strategy can be dovetailed into a screening program for such NCDs (Non-Communicable Diseases).

Today, India faces its greatest challenge in averting the second wave of the novel coronavirus pandemic that is raging through Europe and America. But as India embarks on the world’s greatest vaccination drive, there is hope that we will stop the pandemic.

Unlike many European and Asian countries which are facing huge shortages of the Covid-19 vaccine, India’s Atmanirbhar policy ensured that two of the vaccines approved by the regulator are being produced in India. The Serum Institute of India, which is the world’s largest producer of vaccines, has enhanced its capacity to produce 1 billion doses of the Covishield vaccine. This, coupled with Bharat Biotech’s vaccine production, would largely be able to meet the vaccination needs of priority groups amongst India’s huge population by the end of 2021.

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This month, four Covid-19 vaccine candidates have published positive results from late-stage trials, sending a wave of relief and optimism that has been reflected in prices of fuel and stocks worldwide. Over 200 coronavirus vaccines are being developed around the world with dozens of companies, from biotech start-ups to Big Pharma, racing to develop a safe and effective inoculation that can stop the march of a pandemic that has engulfed the world in an unprecedented crisis.

However, managing the logistics, cold chain, and training the required huge workforce to roll out such a vaccination program is a gigantic task.

The Government of India has issued a comprehensive set of vaccination guidelines that target 300 million people, including health and frontline workers, and people above the age of 50. While countries like France and Germany are struggling to speed up their vaccination drives, Israel has succeeded in vaccinating more than 20 percent of its population, or about 2 million people. India has already put in place two of the main factors responsible for Israel’s rapid progress: abundant access to vaccines, and a well-formulated logistics and supply chain plan.

A major factor in Israel’s success was boosting the number of personnel available to administer the vaccine by mobilising staff from other sectors and providing overtime benefits to health staff. Following the newly amended labour laws, India can create large-scale fixed-term employment amongst educated rural young people with basic digital training to undertake the registration and vaccination drive. Large numbers of nursing students, auxiliary nursing midwife trainees, and retired Army and defence services personnel in every village can also be mobilised for the vaccination drive.

Priority for the vulnerable

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The guidelines also provide for the prioritisation of people with co-morbidities. Studies have shown that over 70% of mortalities from Covid-19 occur due to pre-existing non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, cardiovascular ailments, and cancers. Prioritising vaccinations for those with pre-existing non-communicable diseases will keep the Covid-19 case fatality rate as low as possible.

The relationship between a country’s non-communicable disease burden and Covid-19 case fatality is direct. Countries with very high underlying non-communicable disease mortality show high Covid-19 case fatalities, as a comparison across Singapore, India, and Indonesia shows. All this points to the urgency and importance of first vaccinating patients suffering from NCDs.

In this task of vaccinating all people with pre-existing non-communicable diseases, India faces a serious unknown quantity. Unlike many communicable diseases which manifest themselves early through perceptible symptoms like fever, pain, or other indicators, many slow-onset non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, and cancers do not have any perceptible symptoms in the early stages. Therefore, many people unknowingly live with diabetes, hypertension, and cancer during the earliest stages of disease — the time when such diseases can be easily and cost-effectively cured.

Burden of NCDs

It is estimated that although India has 30 million diagnosed diabetes cases, the prevalence rate estimated by the National Diabetes and Diabetic Retinopathy Survey is 11.8% in the adult population. This comes to nearly 72 million. Similarly, studies show that undetected hypertension cases may be as high as 26% of the adult population. India has one of the lowest incidences of cancer per 100,000 population, but this is largely due to inadequate early screening and detection. An EY report found that while the cancer incidence rate in India was estimated to be at 94 cases per 100,000 people, the actual rate was somewhere between 150-200 cases due to deficiencies in data collection and screening.

As with most low- and middle-income countries, roughly 40%-50% of the non-communicable disease burden in India remains undiagnosed or undetected until the very late stages of the disease. This leads to high rates of mortality and high out-of-pocket expenses: NCDs are very costly to treat at the advanced stages, and India’s Multisectoral NCD Action Plan estimates that 47% of all out-of-pocket health expenditure is due to NCDs.

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Therefore, the strategy for Covid-19 vaccination can be dovetailed into a comprehensive screening program for people aged 50 and over for major NCDs like diabetes, cardiovascular disease (CVD), and even common cancers. This will reveal the undetected cases of hypertension and diabetes. The current operational guidelines for Covid-19 vaccination aim to mobilise all the district collectors, rural frontline health staff from primary health centres, and urban civil and sub-district hospitals. The vaccination centres have been very meticulously planned to deliver the vaccination efficiently. This is a great opportunity to equip all the frontline vaccination staff, including vaccination officers, with glucometers and blood pressure measuring instruments to screen people for potential co-morbidities such as diabetes and hypertension.

An opportunity to integrate

As the entire Covid-19 vaccination drive in India will be recorded on the digital CoWin platform, a little bit of tweaking will enable CoWin to be integrated with the government’s Health Management Information System (HMIS) databases, where all the details of newly detected NCDs can be recorded. The National NCD Action Plan already aims to promote continued surveillance and screening surveys to detect undiagnosed NCD cases. The Covid-19 vaccination drive offers a nationwide opportunity to screen and update the national database of NCD patients, and an updated database that captures a larger number of patients at the early stages of NCDs will help in demedicalising the care of NCD.

Through advocacy and the newly created health and wellness centres, all registered NCD patients can be provided with advice for self-care, reduction of aggravating risk factors like sugary and salty foods, taking more exercise, and reducing harmful alcohol and tobacco use. The continuity of self-care by patients can be monitored on various mobile-based applications like the Digital Lifecare solution developed by Dell with the Ministry of Health, which has been adopted by over 40,000 frontline health care professionals. This can easily be integrated with the CoWin platform to capture the newly detected NCD patients.

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The Defeat Non-Communicable Disease Partnership anchored in the United Nations Institute of Training and Research, Geneva, has espoused a similar win-win approach in Rwanda and Myanmar, its two program countries. A nationwide Covid-19 vaccination drive is the ideal entry point for enrolling all the co-morbid patients below the poverty line in Ayushman Bharat so that their future out-of-pocket expenses are minimised. A win-win for eliminating Covid-19 and reducing NCD mortalities by one-third in line with Sustainable Development Goals will help us greatly.

(The views and opinions expressed are those of the author)

References

a. https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/covid-19-vaccination-drive-atmanirbhar-covishield-covaxin-71

b. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/covid-19-vaccines-what-they-do-where-they-stand/story-1czeHf2ekSPNwy0vG41Z9H_amp.html

c. https://www.nejm.org/doi/10.1056/NEJMoa2035389

Author’s Profile

Sauro Dasgupta is pursuing his Bachelor’s degree in Political Science with a specialization in International Relations at Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India. He is interested in reading, writing, public speaking and his writings have been published in many important magazines, journals and newspapers. He can be contacted at dasgupta_sauro@yahoo.co.in.

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The Misinformation Campaign and the COVID Pandemic

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By Sauro Dasgupta

In 2020, we were struck with the worst tragedy of the 21st century, a pandemic caused by the outbreak of COVID-19 which claimed the lives of many and the livelihood of others. In an age where the internet has made it, unfortunately, easier to spread any information without fact-checking. It is a sad truth that any health crisis will spawn its pandemic of misinformation and that is exactly what happened, myths and misinformation spread faster and making the situation 10x worse. We saw everything from the virus being called man-made to the vaccines being used to insert chips, the false claims about the pandemic were not less.

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As ever, when the word “pandemic” began appearing in headlines, people became fearful — and with fear came misinformation and rumors. When people heard about the virus in news for the first time, their immediate reaction was that their country and they were immune to it.

Then came a point where there were a set of people who truly believed that the virus was “no worse than a cold” and people were panicking for no reason.

The people who believed COVID-19 was a hoax had one thing in common their facts were social media rumors and the other reason they thought that COVID-19 was not real because they don’t personally know anyone who has had COVID-19 so it can’t be that bad. Downplaying the situation made the pandemic even worse and mixed with misinformation, it was a recipe for disaster.

While Influenza (Flu) and Covid-19 are both contagious respiratory illnesses, they belong to entirely different virus families, with Covid-19 caused by a new coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) whereas flu is caused by influenza viruses. Though the two infections have similar symptoms, including fever, cough and cold, fatigue, and body pains, the major difference between the two is that Covid-19 spreads more easily and causes more serious illnesses.

Further, there were false rumours that COVID-19 could not come from domestic animals like cats and dogs. But this fact is not even true and social networking sites like WhatsApp, Facebook helped in spreading these rumours which led people to abandon their pets, making animals vulnerable.

World leaders have been guilty of spreading inaccurate information about COVID- 19. In an interview back in April 2020, former US President Donald Trump suggested research into whether coronavirus might be treated by injecting disinfectant into the body. He also appeared to propose irradiating patients’ bodies with UV light. Where we all know that viruses cannot be killed by a disinfectant, and how harmful is a disinfectant for our body. Moreover, UV radiation can cause genomic mutation and cancer-like live threatening health problems. [3]

For the longest time, people kept believing that they were immune to covid-19 because they were under 40 and refused to follow government guidelines. Though, it is true older adults are more likely to become severely ill if affected but that still doesn’t make the young people immune. COVID-19 can infect any human being at any age. The nature of the virus infects living hosts. From newborn babies to aged people, COVID-19 can infect anyone.

Where there is a tragedy, there we will find businessmen trying to capitalise off the vulnerable people who will believe everything. Back in June 2020, Baba Ramdev launched ‘ Coronil ‘ claiming it will cure people with the covid-19 and he did end up selling 86 lakh units. Coronil was not even microbiologically tested and the claim that an unverified medicine could cure COVID-19 can cause harmful effects rather curing the actual disease. The efficacy of Patanjali’s Coronil medicine which cures Covid-19 has not been corroborated by any independent medical body as of yet. [4]

Thermal scanners cannot diagnose the coronavirus. Thermal scanners can detect whether someone has a fever — which might result from any number of health issues. Symptoms of COVID-19 can appear 2–14 days after the infection develops. This means that even if a person develops symptoms, they may have a normal temperature for days before a fever begins.

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Religious Riots in India: Localised or Widespread?

After a year of trying to find a cure when the vaccine did arrive the misinformation didn’t stop. Many people have refused to get the COVID-19 vaccine administered. Many people claimed that the vaccine was used to insert chips in them to track them by the government and social media did nothing to curb the rumors and stop these people from spreading misinformation. [ 5 ]

Another myth being spread is that after getting the vaccination, there’s no need to wear masks. But the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW) has mandated preventive measures such as wearing masks and maintaining physical distance till the Covid-19 vaccine is administered to all. Moreover, it is not yet known for how long the vaccine-derived immunity will last, underscoring the importance of following Covid-19 appropriate behaviour.

A pandemic is not the right time to let misinformation flourish. As responsible citizens, we should stop people from spreading false rumors and misinformation and educate them and follow the government guidelines.

(The views & opinions expressed are those of the author)

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Sauro Dasgupta is pursuing his Bachelor’s degree in Political Science with a specialization in International Relations at Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India. He is interested in reading, writing, public speaking and his writings have been published in many important magazines, journals and newspapers. He can be contacted at dasgupta_sauro@yahoo.co.in.

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References

Reuters staff , ( 2020 September 11 ) , Fact check: The virus that causes COVID-19 exists, can be tested for and is not the flu. Retrieved from https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-factcheck-covid-flu-idUSKBN2613BS

Edwards , E.E , ( 2020 June 5 ) , CDC report on COVID-19 cleaning practices finds some gargling with bleach. That’s very dangerous. https://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/cdc-report-covid-19-cleaning-practices-finds-some-gargling-bleach-n1225826

Clark , D.C , ( 2020 , April 24 ) ,Trump suggests ‘injection’ of disinfectant to beat coronavirus and ‘clean’ the lungs. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-suggests-injection-disinfectant-beat-coronavirus-clean-lungs-n1191216

Chanda , H.C , ( 2020 October 27 ) , Not a ‘cure’ for Covid but Patanjali’s Coronil kit & drugs are a big hit, 85 lakh units sold. https://theprint.in/health/not-a-cure-for-covid-but-patanjalis-coronil-kit-drugs-are-a-big-hit-85-lakh-units-sold/531316/

Reuters Staff , ( 2020 December 14 ) , Fact check: COVID-19 vaccine labels would not microchip or track individuals, but serve logistical purpose https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-factcheck-microchip-not-injected-covi-idUSKBN28O1TM

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Comprehensive Analysis of Union Budget of India 2021 in Maritime Eyes

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By Amit Kumar

The eyes of 1.36 billion looked forward to our visionary Finance Minister Shrimati Nirmala Sitharaman on February 1, 2021. This Union Budget 2021 was way too peculiar than all the other budget presented to the Lok Sabha ever for not only it was wrapped up digitally in a ‘Made in India’ tablet instead of a ‘Bahi Khata’ (a ledger wrapped in red cloth) but also it held the subtle notes to spearhead the ambitious goal of India becoming economic superpower after reviving the dip owing to COVID 19 outbreak.

The distress and the greatest turmoil; the COVID brought to the maritime industry in the form of stranded crews on board due to international travel bans, the ever lowest happiness index of seafarers, employment crash, crippled cruise industry, and commodities prices going down the zero line had a lot to expect from Union Budget 2021. Fortunately, the Union budget 2021 was in line with the expectations of Indian Seafarers, and industry stakeholders. Moreover, the budget also happened to be in unison with the aspirations of the maritime students across the universities in the country.

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An overview of Union Budget 2021 with regards to maritime perspective

The budget on Ports, Shipping, and Waterways firstly reflected that the major ports across the nation will be shifting from managing their operational services on their own to private partners who will manage it for them. For this set-up, seven projects worth more than Rs 2,000 crores will be offered by the Major Ports on Public-Private Partnership mode in 2021-2022. The inclusion of private players to manage the ports is a favorable move for the industry. These private players with their vast knowledge and the spirit of competency can change the complete functioning of the system, thereby amplifying its potential in shipment regulation. It can also play a role in digitising the port facilities entirely and offering the consumers, ship-charterers, and brokers, and professionals a taste of the new methodology.

The ports are not viable to be listed on the stock exchanges until these are transformed into companies. This corporatization will allow the government to reap dividends from the major ports. The conversion of ‘port trusts’ into ‘port authorities’ implicates privatisation of cargo handling terminals as well which are operated and regulated by the State-owned port itself. All this is because this whole system will project the ‘port authority’ as the landlord, a set-up followed all over the world where the publicly managed port authority will behave as a managerial body and the private firms will work on port operations, majorly the activities relating to cargo handling. The port acting as the landlord will seek a share of the revenue from the private firms. The ports owned by the Centre can be considered for privatisation once they are corporatised.

This favorable measure would help the industry to transform things for the better in bulk and containerised cargo handling. It can also instigate a fresh face-off with unions.

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The second thing which has caught sight is the provision for promoting the flagging of merchant ships in India. The government’s decision of providing subsidies to promote the flagging of merchant ships will ease container shortage in the country due to irregularities in import-export throughout the globe which resulted in a hike in cost for both shipping lines and traders. Every merchant ship needs to follow the rules and regulations of the country where they registered themselves and are bound to sail carrying the flag of that country.

The scheme to promote the flagging of merchant ships by granting subsidies reinforced Indian Shipping Companies in global tenders glided by ministries and Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs). An amount of Rs 1,624 crore will be invested for over five years. In the past, there have been occurrences of events where exporters waited for months to get the containers. The flagging of merchant ships will smoothen the availability of containers in the country and the subsidy will help in advertising new ventures. Ocean freight has increased twice because of the strict shortage of containers and is disturbing India’s exports in a considerable field of agricultural products such as rice, cotton, and engineering goods.

It is worth mentioning that restrictions owing to COVID-19 have greatly impacted the industry and there has been a huge hubbub on the supply-demand graph. Moreover, the maximum Marine Engineering, Nautical Science graduates seeking a career in the merchant navy are hired by foreign shipping companies and the graduates have to solely rely on them. This initiative by our government comes with greater training and employment opportunities for Indian seafarers along with boosting up shares of Indian Shipping companies by the fleet size in the global perspective.

It is an undeniable fact that India is home to one of the largest ship-breaking facilities in the world and these facilities stretch over 150 yards along the coast. On average close to 6.2 Million GT is scrapped in India every year, which accounts for 33% of the total scrapped tonnage in the world.

As the new budget of the Indian government in 2021 suggests the ship recycling capacity of around 4.5 Million Light Displacement Tonne (LDT) will be escalated to double by 2024 and consequently more ships will approach India from Europe and Japan. Moreover, this also aims to furnish us with new 1.5 lakh jobs in the sector. For the Implementation of the ambitious plan to reach the apex of the ship-breaking and recycling industry, India has enacted the Hong Kong International Convention (HKC). Finance Minister Shri Nirmala Sitharaman in her budget speech also mentioned that around 90 ship recycling yards have already acceded to the HKC-compliant certificate.

When we look into the current scenario we can find that India recycles 70 lakh gross tonnage of ships per annum, and is responsible for recycling 300 of the 1000 ships which are demolished per annum globally. With this amount of ship recycling, India stands top in the four countries which account for 90 percent of ship recycled globally. However, countries like Japan Europe and the US were not sending their ships for recycling to India in the absence of ratification of a global convention. That scenario is set to change with the new budget. India aspires to grab at least 50 percent of the global ship recycling business as many countries will be sending ships here, after the Indian ratification of the global convention. The Act ratifies the Hong Kong International Convention and facilitating the environment-friendly recycling process of ships and adequate safety of the workers.

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The minister also remarked that with more ships coming to India, ship recycling contribution to the GDP will grow to USD 2.2 billion from the present USD 1.3 billion. After the budget was discussed several ship recycling players informed that the target of doubling the capacity is not only the requirement. Government has to provide trauma healthcare centers, medical waste disposal mechanisms, and conducive support from the financial institutions.

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Mukeshbhai Patel, chairman of the largest Indian ship-recycler Street Ram Group informed BusinessLine that the European Union had conducted the site inspection and they have found some gaps in the medical waste disposal and trauma healthcare facilities in Alang area Gujarat. Patel also remarked that the ease of doing finance must be there for the players. Currently, shipbreakers are facing a lot of difficulties in securing bank finance. Banks ask for heavy collaterals, with increased charges for issuing a letter of credit. He also added the need for the reintroduction of the old policy which allowed the amalgamation of two plots into a big one. He said this would help to achieve the target of doubling the capacity.

The budget has aptly come in line with the expectations of the people, industry stakeholders, and youth’s aspirations and aims to boost the three important aspects of the Indian Maritime Industry: Ports’ renovation and smooth operation, flagging of merchant ships, and the ship-repairing industry. Inland Waterways and Shipbuilding have also been key areas of focus of the present government. Collectively, this could be a big stride on the way to establish India as a Maritime Superpower and bridging the gap between ‘developing’ and ‘developed’.

(The views and opinions expressed are those of the author)

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Mr. Amit Kumar is the Founder CEO & Editor in Chief of the Sea and Coast Magazine; India’s no:1 maritime magazine.

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How far does the East Act policy reach?

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By Carlos Cruz Infante

In 2019 Latin American countries experienced the most profound social crisis since the reestablishment of the region’s democracies in the ’90s. Dictatorships prevailed in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Cuba. In Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico -the three biggest economies of the region- populist leaders conquered the ballot-boxes. Peru suffered its worst political crisis in decades, and upheaval took the streets in Colombia, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile. On top of that, the Covid-19 has struck the region severely. Latin American governments’ low state capacities and high rates of labor informality worsened the pandemic impact. In just two years, the latter events’ combination drove to political, public health, and poverty crises.

Why would this region be of any interest to an enormous economy like India? Firstly, both have a similar share of the world’s GDP: according to the IMF, in 2019, India’s was 8%; Latin America’s, about 7%. Secondly, Latin America is a market of 652 million people, which is larger than the European Union’s, almost 448 million in 2020, and the US’s, of 331. Lastly, total trade between India and Latin America represents a little over US$40 billion.

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Since the 2000s, India and Latin American have strengthened their relations. After some trading treaties agreed with Mexico and Chile, in 2009, India signed a trade agreement with the MERCOSUR, one of the region’s principal commercial blocs, composed of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Concerning the other main bloc, the Pacific Alliance -Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru-, India has become its observer.

Consequently, both regions have deepened their trading relationships. As the former Indian diplomat Mr. R. Viswanathan explains, since 2010, India’s exports to Latin America have increased around 10%, and the latter contributes to the former’s energy and food security. Latin American exports, equivalent to 12% of Indian imports, include considerable amounts of crude oil and vegetable oil.

It is crucial, though, to understand how complementary these exchanges are. According to one report of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) and the Export-Import Bank of India, two-thirds of the exported items from Latin America to India are extractive products. Conversely, India’s most relevant sales to Latin America are motorized vehicles and medicaments, and Mr. Viswanathan claims that India’s need for lithium could be fulfilled by the significant Latin American reserves, which account for three-quarters of the global stocks.

Nonetheless, India is far from being the most important commercial partner for Latin America. ECLAC shows that the US is by far the largest one, with 45% of trading, followed by China, with 11%, and the European Union, with 10%. Moreover, the EU is the leading investor in Latin America, with 55% of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in 2019, followed by the US (27%) and Canada (6%). China, whose FDI seems to be low in the region, is actually significant. It invests through third countries, such as the Netherlands and Luxemburg. Furthermore, it has participated in over one-third of Latin America’s cross-border mergers and acquisitions.

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What does this have to do with India? China seems to be particularly relevant for India, both in economic and political-strategic terms, considering how bluntly the Chinese entered Latin American countries. First of all, the region’s governments weak state capacities, and the gap of investment in infrastructure is around 2.5% of the region’s GDP, according to the IADB. That matches China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which means investing in developing and underdeveloped countries’ hardware to palliate their insufficiencies. Secondly, China has also been increasing its influence in the region. As Otaviano Canuto claims, China is an essential lender for some of the biggest Latin American economies, such as Brazil and Argentina.

Moreover, in 2021 the Chinese government plans to intensify its investments in Chile, Colombia, and Peru, given their relative stability in a very volatile regional context. Thirdly, China is powerful in the recent worldwide needed technology, the 5G, which will be crucial for Latin American countries in the mid and long term. Lastly, China has susbtantial shares in two of the six most significant lithium mining projects globally, a mineral that will be fundamental for India’s battery development and global positioning in the coming years.

The opportunities for India in Latin America are abundant. The region holds vast lithium reserves and represents a more than 600 million people underdeveloped market and a strategic field to compete with China. According to The Economist, China and the United States will probably compete in South-East Asia, where the main Chinese supply routes of raw materials are.

So, who is going to play in Latin America now? With whom of its countries? How it might do it? Answering those key questions could be an immense opportunity for Indian expansion in the short and middle term.

(The opinions and views expressed are those of the author)

Author’s Profile

Carlos Cruz Infante, is a Chilean sociologist, MBA and PhD student. He is the former Chief of Strategic Content of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Chilean Government and a Content Strategy advisor of the Vice-Ministry of Housing of the Chilean Government.

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By Prashant Sahu

Introduction

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Three dimensions of Beijing Consensus

Critical analysis

Conclusion

References

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By Prashant Sahu

Several Definitions

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Why was the Concept Needed?

Core interest Vs National interest

Implications of the concept in foreign policy practice

References

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By Subhash Bhambhu

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By Prashant Sahu

Introduction

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A brief overview of China’s West Asia policy

Importance of West Asia in Chinese Foreign Policy

Energy security

National security

Diplomatic Importance

Geo-Strategic Importance

Conclusion

References

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By Anirudh Ramakrishna Phadke

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The History of Chinatown

Common Features of a Chinatown

“A Micronation”

A peek into famous Chinatowns around the World

Binondo- The first ever Chinatown in history

Chinatown in Manhattan, NY

Chinatown in San-Francisco

Chinatown in Bangkok

Chinatown in London, UK

Singapore’s Chinatown

Chinatown in Paris

Chinatown in Melbourne

Chinatowns in India- Viyug’s Eye into the India’s Chinese Enclave

Chinese Diaspora in India- Brief Blueprint